is place is transparent and all problems are


is well ordered and ready to accept visitors and
investors. Politics out, money in: our
place is transparent and all problems are played down in the higher interest of
its commodification.

      But to
whom this interest belongs along the friend-enemy line? Almost every
place stresses its own difference, but the rhetoric of sales is transferred in
a timeless and non-local way the message and the image of capitalist ideology
that especially likes “structural adjustment”, “security”, “professionalism”, “competitiveness”.S1  Therefore, the
sale of the place enters into a complex web of differences and sameness that is
typical for capitalism and that welcomes ethnicism. The same could be true for the
contemporary rise of ethnicism that
makes noise not politicsS2 , because the “competition state model is no longer
geared towards national economic development but, rather, towards the promotion
of neoliberalism on a global level” (Munck 2005: 63).

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      In a structural adjustment agenda, capitalist nation-states have been reorganized around
the ideology of international competition. The model of free trade punishes the
weak and rewards the strong in the seemingly preestablished harmony: “once nations engage in international trade, relative
prices of commodities are no longer regulated
by their relative cost of production” (Shaikh 2005: 46). This is an important
fact that undermines not only the rhetoric of economic patriotism, but also inevitably
poses the question: can nations choose their enemies or they just internally
play on the card of ethnicism? Ethnicism does not actualize politics of
enmityS3 , but acts as a “substitute” for common societal aims,
statist goals of power and “grandeur” (Gorz 1989: 133; however, Gorz still uses
the term nationalism). In the Schmittian sense, there is a problem to
distinguish friends and enemies in that model, and confusion enters the scene
(Muslim terrorism, refugee crises, gated communities, anti-Russian hysteria,
rise of totalitarian rhetoric, privatization of security, necessary populist
component in the electoral campaigns etc.). But, as Richard Sennet stressed, behind
all this ethnicist revival we probably witness that “the most radical case for the uniqueness of our times
would be that nations are losing their economic value” (Sennett 2006: 18). And,
this is directly connected to politics and politics of enmity where noisy
ethnicism enters as a powerful tool to the (re)production of fear and
production of centralized financial, political and military power.

 S1Mozete li
parafrazirati, nejasna je recenica i gramaticki neprecizna

 S2Nejasna
fraza, moze li se izostaviti?

 S3Sta je
political politics? Zar nije dosta jedno politics?

x

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